MOGADISHU, Somalia — Yemen’s Houthi movement and Somalia’s al-Shabaab militant group have deepened cooperation across the Gulf of Aden, raising concerns in Washington that the two U.S. adversaries could pose a new threat to commercial shipping and military assets along one of the world’s most important maritime routes.
The relationship, detailed in a Sept. 1 investigation by The Wall Street Journal, has evolved from suspected arms trafficking into a broader exchange involving weapons, money, military training and personnel, according to U.S., Somali and Yemeni officials cited by the newspaper.
U.S. Gen. Dagvin Anderson, who commands American forces in Africa, told the Journal that the cooperation could give al-Shabaab access to more sophisticated weapons and training while extending the Houthis’ geographic reach into Somalia.
“This isn’t just a regional problem. It has global implications,” Anderson said, according to the Journal.
The reported partnership brings together two groups divided by sectarian ideology but united in their opposition to the United States and Israel. The Houthis are a predominantly Shiite movement that controls much of northern Yemen and receives extensive Iranian support. Al-Shabaab, an al-Qaeda affiliate, is a Sunni Islamist insurgency that has fought Somalia’s government for nearly two decades.
The relationship appears to be largely transactional rather than ideological.
Weapons and training
At least 100 al-Shabaab fighters have traveled to Yemen for training, according to a U.S. military-intelligence official cited by the Journal. Some fighters reportedly spent months in the Houthi-controlled Saada region learning to assemble and operate drones and to build more sophisticated improvised explosive devices. Houthi trainers have also traveled to Somalia, according to the official.
A separate Century International investigation published in August estimated that between 120 and several hundred al-Shabaab members had received training in Yemen in small arms, explosives and basic drone operations. The findings were based on interviews with security and intelligence officials, documents and other evidence.
The United Nations had already reported signs of growing cooperation. A 2025 U.N. report said al-Shabaab’s relationship with the Houthis was developing in a “transactional or opportunistic” manner and that the group had sought advanced weapons and training. The report also said weapons and explosives had continued moving from Yemen into al-Shabaab-controlled areas of Somalia.
The Journal reported that an al-Shabaab weapons list presented to Houthi contacts included shoulder-fired anti-aircraft missiles, rockets, sniper rifles, attack drones, anti-tank missiles and night-vision equipment. It was not immediately possible to independently establish how many of those weapons were ultimately transferred or are now in al-Shabaab’s possession.
A strategic maritime corridor
The reported cooperation is particularly significant because Yemen and Somalia sit on opposite sides of the Gulf of Aden, near the Bab el-Mandeb strait, a narrow maritime passage linking the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean.
The Houthis have already demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping from the Yemeni side. Their attacks on commercial vessels in and around the Red Sea have contributed to major changes in global shipping routes and increased pressure on the security of the waterway.
U.S. officials are now concerned that enhanced capabilities on the Somali side could create an additional threat.
There is no public evidence that al-Shabaab currently possesses a proven anti-ship missile capability comparable to that of the Houthis. But officials and analysts say the transfer of drones, explosives, surveillance equipment and other military technology could expand the group’s ability to threaten shipping or maritime infrastructure.
The U.N. has previously reported allegations that al-Shabaab could use increased maritime capabilities to attack cargo ships and disrupt vessel movements in the Gulf of Aden.
The broker
The relationship was reportedly facilitated for years by a Somali arms trafficker, Jibril Yahya Ali, who acted as an intermediary between the two groups.
According to the Journal, Jibril moved between Somalia and Yemen and helped al-Shabaab obtain military equipment from Houthi networks. A senior U.N. official previously involved in monitoring arms flows to Somalia described him as a key link between the organizations.
Jibril was killed on Feb. 12 in the Yemeni province of al-Mahra while traveling with his Yemeni wife, according to the Journal. Two U.S. sources told the newspaper the killing was carried out in a U.S. airstrike. U.S. Central Command said the incident was not a military operation, while the CIA declined to say whether it was involved.
His death did not appear to end the relationship.
Al-Shabaab subsequently appointed another intermediary in Yemen, according to regional security officials cited by the Journal. The group also continued sending fighters to Yemen for training.
Direct exchanges
The relationship appears to have become more structured in 2026.
In June, a four-member Houthi delegation reportedly crossed the Gulf of Aden and traveled to Jilib, a stronghold of al-Shabaab in southern Somalia, according to a regional intelligence source cited by the Journal. The discussions reportedly covered weapons, military training and cooperation against what the Houthis see as Israeli activity in the region.
The reported visit follows earlier evidence of direct Houthi involvement in training al-Shabaab personnel.
Century International said interrogations and other records indicated that Houthi military engineers had traveled to al-Shabaab-held territory to provide instruction in improvised explosive devices, drone modification and weapons maintenance.
The developments suggest the relationship is no longer limited to individual arms traffickers, analysts say.
Money for technology
Al-Shabaab has a substantial revenue base in Somalia, where it raises money through extortion, taxation and illicit commerce.
The Journal reported that U.S. intelligence estimates the group generates at least $100 million a year, giving it the financial resources to pay for weapons and technical expertise.
For the Houthis, the relationship offers a potential foothold on the African side of the Gulf of Aden and access to networks that operate along Somalia’s long coastline.
The arrangement could therefore benefit both groups without requiring them to overcome their religious differences.
“The enemy of my enemy” appears to be the practical calculation, rather than a shared ideology.
Questions remain
Despite the growing body of reporting, important questions remain about the scale and sophistication of the cooperation.
It is unclear how many advanced weapons have actually been transferred to al-Shabaab, whether the group has obtained effective anti-ship systems and how capable it would be of threatening commercial vessels.
The distinction between state-backed Houthi activity, militant cooperation and independent weapons trafficking also remains important. Earlier U.S. assessments had described suspected arms negotiations between the groups without confirming that advanced weapons had been transferred.
More recent reporting, however, points to a relationship involving direct training and exchanges of personnel.
For the United States and other countries operating in the region, the concern is that the two groups could combine complementary capabilities: Houthi expertise in missiles, drones and maritime warfare with al-Shabaab’s financial resources, local networks and access to the African coastline.
That could add another layer of risk to the Gulf of Aden at a time when security in the Red Sea and wider Middle East is already under severe pressure.
The emerging relationship does not amount to a formal military alliance, officials and analysts say. But its evolution from suspected arms deals to training, delegation visits and technical cooperation has made it a growing focus of U.S. counterterrorism and maritime-security planning.
